AnzhiJiangTaiwan,China, and Asian Regional DevelopmentJan13, 2018The One Belt One Road Initiative and its implications Introductionand HistoryLaunched in 2013, the One Belt One RoadInitiative (OBOR or BRI) is a Chinese foreign policy of a transnationaleconomic belt. The scale of the initiative is astonishing for it is so far thelargest of its kind launched by one single country. The OBOR is consisted of twoparts: The Silk Road Economic Belt, historically it was a route for ancientChina to communicate and trade with Central Asia and the Middle East over 2000years ago, with the first record of the Silk Road can be dated from Handynasty, when emperor Wudi send Zhang Qian from west China to the Middle East.
Another segment is the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road, which is a maritimeroute that goes around Southeast Asia, the Persian Gulf, and the Horn ofAfrica. In summary, more than two thirds of world population and more than onethird of global economic output will be involved in the initiative, and couldinvolve Chinese investments that total up to $4 trillion. For many in the region, the SilkRoad is a story of peaceful trading, with rich religious and cultural exchangesand a harmonious history. The Belt and Road initiative seeks to directlyconsolidate this tradition. Its historic narrative is that the cultural andeconomic connectivity reduces the suspicion and promotes common prosperity, anidea that is being eagerly watched by domestic and foreign countries concernedabout civil unrest. In November 2015, Nursultan Nazarbayev, president ofKazakhstan, chose UNESCO’s headquarters in Paris to announce the country’s newAcademy of Peace, stating that “we can best counter extremism throughinter-cultural and inter-religious dialogue.
“1 The other segment of the BRI, the marinetime silk road also plays an important role both historically and currently. GeneralZheng He, one of the most famous historical figures in Chinese history,embodies the grand narrative of China’s global trade and exchange. Zheng He ledthe seven fleets to South Asia, the Arabian Peninsula and West Africa between1405 and 1433 during the Ming Dynasty and became the special envoy of overseasChinese and overseas Chinese. In addition to the museums, mosques, andartefacts now appearing around the region celebrating his voyages, China hasgiven millions of dollars to Sri Lanka and Kenya to support the search forremains of Zheng He’s fleet. Both countries are key nodes in the modern-dayBelt and Road infrastructure network, with China financing the construction ofdeep water ports in Colombo and Hambantota in Sri Lanka, and Lamu in Kenya.2Source: Tim WinterGoalsof the One Belt One Road InitiativeThe One Belt, One Road initiativeconsists of several economic and some non-economic elements3.The initiative should promote five major goals which are: “policy coordination,facilities connectivity, unimpeded trade, financial integration andpeople-to-people bonds.
” Among the five goals, “facilities” (infrastructure) isperhaps the most significant, since it provides the necessary means forattaining many of the other goals mentioned above. The most frequentlymentioned economic element is a Chinese commitment to invest heavily in a widevariety of infrastructure projects in order to strengthen the economic capacityand “connectivity” among the nations within the One Belt, One Road area andwith China’s western regions4.For example, There are several mechanisms designedentirely or in part to support such infrastructure development, including theSilk Road Fund and the Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB).
Morebroadly, from the perspective of China’s overall development policies, the OneBelt, One Road concept is seen by many Chinese media as a major element of theeconomic reform process.Shortly after being announced, theinitiative was explicitly linked to Chinese reforms in a decision of the 18thCCP Conference in November 2013. The decision stated that China would “set updevelopment-oriented financial institutions, accelerate the construction of infrastructureconnecting China with neighboring countries and regions, and work hard to builda Silk Road Economic Belt and a Maritime Silk Road, so as to form a new patternof all-round opening.
“5In this official paper of the Chinese government, it was also declared that “CentralAsia, Russia, South Asia, and Southeast Asian countries will be given priorityconsideration . . . while Middle Eastern and East African countries are in thejunction” linking the Asian with European countries.
Another major feature of the One Belt,One Road initiative is that it is intended to be as open and inclusive aspossible, apparently involving few if any requirements or restrictions, and toexist in cooperation with, and not against, other international development initiatives.Instressing the open and cooperative nature of the One Belt, One Road initiative,many Chinese media uses the metaphor of a “symphony,” involving theparticipation of many countries, and not a “solo” effort by China alone. Strategicgoals of the BRIHowever, the initiative was described asa “response” to the new geopolitical situation marked by the U.S. “rebalance toAsia,” Japan’s accelerated “steps toward normalization,” India’s rapid economicgrowth, and increasing worries toward a stronger China among China’s “neighboringAsian countries.” From this geopolitical perspective, the One Belt, One Roadinitiative can be seen as a new kind of “strategy” designed to support thelarger effort announced by Xi Jinping, to strengthen Beijing’s peripherydiplomacy and create a “new type of major country relations,” both of which arebased on intensive cooperation and a zero-sum (i.e., “win-win”) approach tointernational politics and economics.
Since the rising of China, most countriesin the Asia-Pacific region followed the option of trying to integrate Chinainto existing and new regional and global institutions such as the RCEP, orASEAN plus. The US under Trump administration has been explicitly rebalancingits international posture toward Asia and China by returning to a bilateralapproach to both diplomatic and economic policies. In early 2017, shortly afterPresident Trump’s inauguration, the US declared to withdraw from the TPP(Transpacific Partnership), which had been a foreign policy priority of theObama administration to strengthen leadership of the US in the Asia-Pacificarea. Trump’s bilateral approach to foreign relations is predicted to lead todecreasing influence of the US in Asia, for the ASEAN-China leading RCEP, andthe One Belt One Road Initiative launched by China seemed to declare a new eraof globalization, without the US participation. o China founded a series ofinstitutions — the New Development Bank, or BRICS Bank? the AsianInfrastructure Investment Bank? the Silk Road Fund? and a reorganized ChinaDevelopment Bank that cumulatively will have more lending power than theBretton Woods institutions which was led by the US. Culturalfactors Culture has become an importantpillar within China’s strategy to secure influence internationally, as was laidout at the 2011 plenary session of the 17th Central Committee of the CCP.Nowhere is this effort more important than within the region itself, wherethere are deep seated suspicions about China’s economic and military rise. Iwould suggest that it is within this wider context that we need to situate theBelt and Road strategy of fostering people-to-people connections.
6One Belt, One Road has been described as”the most significant and far-reaching initiative that China has ever putforward.” However, for both China and many of the countries involved, incultural and historical terms, much is at stake in this project. As Xi Jinpingindicated in his speech, the Belt and Road will “promote inter-civilization exchangesto build bridges of friendship for our people, drive human development andsafeguard peace of the world.” Dozens of countries have alreadysupported the initiative to varying degrees, even if their enthusiasm oftenvaries depending on whether they are speaking publicly or privately.
For mostAsian countries, the interest in BRI is motivated less by some ideologicalshift towards China and more by a practical recognition of its relevance foradvancing their own economic goals.But we also need to also look to the waysin which a historical narrative of silk, seafaring, and cultural and religiousencounters opens up a space for other countries to draw on their own deephistories in the crafting of contemporary trade and political relations. Iran,Turkey, and the Arab States of the Persian Gulf are among those looking to theBelt and Road as an expedient platform for not only securing internationalrecognition for their culture and civilizations, but also using that sense ofhistory to create political and economic loyalty in a region characterized byunequal and competing powers. The now conventional idea of soft power focuseson how states and countries secure influence through the export of their ownsocial and cultural goods. But this idea only partially captures what is atstake in One Belt, One Road. Reviving the idea of the silk roads, on both landand sea, gives vitality to histories of transnational, even transcontinental,trade and people-people encounters as a shared heritage. Crucially, it is anarrative that can be activated for diplomatic purposes.
Prospectivedevelopment and concernsWhile the One Belt, One Road initiativeoffers considerable potential in severaleconomic,political, cultural, and strategic realms, it also presents many uncertaintiesandpotentialconcerns. It has clearly become a major foreign and economic policy hallmarkofthe Xi Jinping government and is consistently supported as such by all mannerofChineseobservers. While it is generally not depicted as a means of enhancing Beijing’sinfluenceacross Eurasia, there is little doubt that it will be measured in large part inthoseterms,and in its development impact on the region.Due to the OBOR funding arrangements,China benefits from both the financing and construction of infrastructureprojects, while the recipient countries must bear the financial risk. When trade volumes are high the arrangementwill be mutually beneficial, and that may not matter, but when it is not, itcould become a source of concern for the recipient country. Ultimately, thesuccess or failure of the One Belt, One Road concept will depend in no smallmeasure on the resources that Beijing is willing and able to devote to it, the adroitnessof China’s leaders and entrepreneurs in applying those resources to local conditions,and the benefits that it produces not only for China but perhaps more importantlyfor the recipient nations.On the other hand, To summarize, the OBOR is positive fordeveloping countries, and it is an opportunity to improve their infrastructure.
Reference:1. Swaine, Michael D. “Chinese viewsand commentary on the ‘One Belt, One Road ‘initiative.” China LeadershipMonitor 47.
2 (2015): 3.2. Winter,Tim. “One Belt, One Road, One Heritage: Cultural Diplomacy and the Silk Road.”The Diplomat, March 29, 20163. The Decision on Major Issues ConcerningComprehensively Deepening Reforms in brief. http://www.
china.org.cn/china/third_plenary_session/2013-11/16/content_30620736.
htm1 Winter, Tim. “One Belt, One Road, OneHeritage: Cultural Diplomacy and the Silk Road.” The Diplomat, March 29, 20162 Ibid3 Swaine, Michael D. “Chinese viewsand commentary on the ‘One Belt, One Road ‘initiative.
” China LeadershipMonitor 47.2 (2015): 3.4 Ibid5 The Decision on Major IssuesConcerning Comprehensively Deepening Reforms in brief.http://www.
china.org.cn/china/third_plenary_session/2013-11/16/content_30620736.htm6 Winter, Tim. “One Belt, One Road, OneHeritage: Cultural Diplomacy and the Silk Road.” The Diplomat, March 29, 2016
